TORTUREWATCHTorture Accountability Group, International Committee, National Lawyers GuildA memo on torture to John Yoo | Vincent Iacopino | Comment is free | guardian.co.ukGitmo Detainees: They Can't Go Home Again
From Jurist.org - http://jurist.org/forum/2011/02/they-cant-go-home-again.php
They Can't Go Home Again The U.S. government should do the same: design smarter monitoring protocols, let courts and the public test claims that diplomatic assurances can prevent abuse, and resettle detainees who face too great a risk of torture. To truly end the legacy of Guantanamo, the U.S. should ensure the safety of the men too afraid to go home again. The author is Naureen Shah, a lawyer at the Human Rights Institute at Columbia University School of Law in New YorkCIA promotions after "wrong guy" renditionsIncredibly disturbing. AP IMPACT: At CIA, grave mistakes, then promotions
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/02/09/AR2011020902119.html By ADAM GOLDMAN and MATT APUZZO The Associated Press Wednesday, February 9, 2011; 8:56 AM WASHINGTON -- In December 2003, security forces boarded a bus in Macedonia and snatched a German citizen named Khaled el-Masri. For the next five months, el-Masri was a ghost. Only a select group of CIA officers knew he had been taken to a secret prison for interrogation in Afghanistan. But he was the wrong guy. A hard-charging CIA analyst had pushed the agency into one of the biggest diplomatic embarrassments of the U.S. war on terrorism. Yet despite recommendations, the analyst was never punished. In fact, she's risen in the agency. That botched case is but one example of a CIA accountability process that even some within the agency say is unpredictable and inconsistent. In the years after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, officers who committed mistakes that left people wrongly imprisoned or even dead received only minor admonishments or no punishment at all, an Associated Press investigation has found. And though President Barack Obama has sought to put the CIA's interrogation program behind him, the result of a decade of haphazard accountability is that many officers who made significant missteps are now the senior managers fighting Obama's spy wars. The analyst at the heart of the el-Masri mishap, for instance, has one of the premier jobs in the CIA's Counterterrorism Center and helps lead Obama's efforts to disrupt al-Qaida. The AP investigation of the CIA's actions revealed a disciplinary system that takes years to make decisions, hands down reprimands inconsistently and is viewed inside the agency as prone to favoritism. When people are disciplined, the punishment seems to roll downhill, sparing senior managers involved in mishandled operations. "Someone who made a huge error ought not to be working at the agency," former Sen. Kit Bond said in November as he completed his tenure as the top Republican on the Senate Intelligence Committee. "We've seen instance after instance where there hasn't been accountability." For example, when a suspected terrorist froze to death in a CIA prison in Afghanistan in 2002, the CIA inspector general faulted Matt, the spy running the prison, and expressed concerns about Paul, the top officer in the country, according to former officials. Like most of the dozens of people interviewed by AP, the officials spoke only on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly. In the end, however, the CIA decided not to discipline either Matt or Paul. The AP is identifying Matt, Paul and other current and former undercover CIA officers - though only by partial names - because they are central to the question of who is being held accountable and because it enhances the credibility of AP's reporting in this case. AP's policy is to use names whenever possible. The AP determined that even the most sophisticated commercial information services could not be used to derive the officers' full names or, for example, find their home addresses knowing only their first names and the fact of their CIA employment. The AP has withheld further details that could help identify them. The CIA asked that they not be identified at all, saying doing so would benefit terrorists and hostile nations. Spokesman George Little called the AP's decision "nothing short of reckless" but did not provide any specific information about threats. The CIA has previously provided detailed arguments in efforts to persuade senior executives at the AP and other U.S. news organizations to withhold or delay publishing information it said would endanger lives or national security, but that did not happen in this case. The CIA regularly reviews books by retired officers and allows them to identify their undercover colleagues by first name and last initial, even when they're still on the job. The CIA said only the agency is equipped to make those decisions through a formal review process. Paul has risen to become chief of the Near East Division, overseeing operations in the Middle East. Matt has completed assignments in Bahrain, Afghanistan and Pakistan, where he was deputy chief of tribal operations. In another case involving detainee mistreatment, an interrogator named Albert put an unloaded gun and a bitless drill to the head of a suspected terrorist at a secret prison in Poland. The inspector general labeled this a "mock execution" - something the U.S. is forbidden to do. Albert was reprimanded. His boss, Mike, who ran the prison, retired during the investigation. Albert stayed on until retirement, then returned as a contractor. Ron, the Poland station chief who witnessed the incident but didn't stop it, now runs the Central European Division. Little, the CIA spokesman, said the agency's accountability process is vigorous and thorough. CIA Director Leon Panetta has fired employees for misconduct in other cases, he said. "Any suggestion that the agency does not take seriously its obligation to review employee misconduct - including those of senior officers - is flat wrong," he said. The CIA wants officers to take chances. As former CIA Director Michael Hayden told Congress, officers should operate so close to the boundaries that they get "chalk on their cleats." When officers cross those lines, discipline is usually carried out secretly. In complicated cases, the director can convene a panel of senior officers to review the matter. But the director has the final word on discipline. These reviews, along with Justice Department and congressional investigations, can keep careers in limbo for years and leave veteran officers wondering why some were disciplined and others weren't. "It's unpredictable and scattershot," said John Maguire, a former senior operations officer who spent 23 years at the CIA. After the 9/11 Commission faulted the CIA for being "averse to risk," managers have been reluctant to do anything that might discourage risk-taking, officials said. The el-Masri case reveals how that plays into disciplinary decisions. Some at the Counterterrorism Center doubted el-Masri was a terrorist, current and former officials said. But Frances, a counterterrorism analyst with no field experience, pushed ahead. She supported el-Masri's rendition - in which the CIA snatches someone and takes him to another country. The AP agreed to the CIA's request to refer to Frances by her middle name because her first is unusual. Senior managers were briefed, and a lawyer in the Counterterrorism Center, Elizabeth, signed off, former officials said. The CIA's inspector general determined there had been no legal justification for el-Masri's rendition. Though the inspector general does not make legal conclusions, the CIA's watchdog had essentially said the agency acted illegally. The report came down hard on Frances and faulted Elizabeth's legal analysis. Nobody in management was singled out. Hayden decided that Elizabeth should be reprimanded, current and former officials said. Frances would be spared, he told colleagues, because he didn't want to deter initiative within the ranks. Hayden wouldn't discuss the case but said fairness was only one factor. "Beyond the requirements of fairness and justice, you always made these decisions with an eye toward the future health and operational success of the institution," Hayden said in an AP interview. Frances now runs the CIA's Global Jihad unit dedicated to hunting down al-Qaida. Elizabeth is now legal adviser to the Near East division. In his book "Beyond Repair," longtime CIA officer Charles Faddis contrasted the CIA with the military, where he said officers are held responsible for their mistakes and the mistakes of their subordinates. "There is no such system in place within the CIA, and the long-term effect is catastrophically corrosive," Faddis wrote. After a prisoner died at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, one CIA officer, Steve, was reprimanded for not seeking medical attention when the prisoner arrived. But nobody was explicitly punished for the death. Steve retired and is now back at CIA as a contractor. CIA Director Leon Panetta may be getting tougher on discipline. On his watch, about 100 employees have been subjected to disciplinary review, a U.S. intelligence official said. Of those, more than a dozen were senior officers. Many were fired or resigned. Last year, Panetta punished 16 current and former officers involved in a mishap in Peru nearly a decade ago. A civilian airplane that was misidentified as a drug flight was shot down, killing an American missionary and her young daughter. In a more recent case, Panetta was less harsh after mistakes allowed an al-Qaida double agent to blow himself up at a CIA base in Khost, Afghanistan, killing five officers and two contractors. A review determined that warnings had been ignored and security protocols weren't followed. Panetta agreed but opted not to punish anyone. "The conclusion was that the blame just didn't rest with one individual or group of individuals," Panetta said. It was a collective failure, Panetta said. So nobody was held accountable. --- AP's Washington investigative team can be reached at DCinvestigations(at)ap.org Event: Gitmo Without End?
Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School Hosts Roundtable on Torture Assurances in US Terrorism TransfersMEDIA ADVISORY – Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School Hosts Roundtable on Torture Assurances in US Terrorism Transfers New York, February 10, 2011—The Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School today will host a roundtable on "diplomatic assurances," i.e., promises not to torture. Since 9/11, the U.S. and key allies have increasingly relied on assurances to ensure the safety of detainees—often terrorism suspects—delivered to the custody of governments that torture. Today’s discussion will be webcast live beginning at 4:20 p.m. EDT at the following link http://www.law.columbia.edu/human-rights-institute/events/assuranceswebcast. This unique discussion among leading experts will address key issues affecting U.S. terrorism detainees: · The risks of transferring current and former terrorism suspects, including Guantanamo detainees and renditions victims, to countries with records of abuse, on the basis of assurances. · The U.S. government’s obscuring of the details of transfer arrangements, even while other countries are increasingly more forthcoming, subjecting assurances to political and judicial review. · The feasibility of reform, including systematic monitoring of the treatment of returned detainees. Roundtable experts include: Felice Gaer, member of the UN Committee Against Torture & director of the Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights Julia Hall, Amnesty International, author of several AI and Human Rights Watch reports on diplomatic assurances Ashley Deeks, Columbia Law School, former Assistant Legal Adviser for Political-Military Affairs at the Department of State, author of ASIL paper, Promises not to Torture: Diplomatic Assurances in US Courts Steven Watt, senior staff attorney, ACLU Professor Peter Rosenblum, moderator and faculty co-director, Human Rights Institute, Columbia Law School Naureen Shah, Human Rights Institute, Columbia Law School, report author In late December, Columbia Law School’s Human Rights Institute published "Promises to Keep," a 174-page report surveying the known use of assurances, assessing arguments for their effectiveness and recommending key reforms. WHERE: Columbia Law School, Room 103 | 435 W 116th St | New York, NY 10027 ; LIVE WEBCAST: Visit http://www.law.columbia.edu/human-rights-institute/events/assuranceswebcast WHEN: Thursday, Feb. 10, 2011 from 4:20 – 6:20 pm Media wishing to cover this event must contact the Law School’s Public Affairs Office at 212-854-2650 or email publicaffairs@law.columbia.edu
Human Rights Groups Announce Bush Indictment for Convention Against Torture Signatory StatesHuman Rights Groups Announce Bush Indictment for Convention Against Torture Signatory States No Immunity for Former Presidents Under Law Geneva, 7 February 2011 – Today, two torture victims were to have filed criminal complaints, with more than 2,500-pages of supporting material, in Geneva against former U.S. President George W. Bush, who was due to speak at an event there on 12 February. Swiss law requires the presence of the torturer on Swiss soil before a preliminary investigation can be opened. When Bush cancelled his trip to avoid prosecution, the human rights groups who prepared the complaints made it public and announced that the Bush Torture Indictment would be waiting wherever he travels next. The Indictment serves as the basis on which to prepare country-specific, plaintiff-specific indictments, with additional evidence and updated information. According to international law experts at the New York-based Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) and the Berlin-basedEuropean Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR), former presidents do not enjoy special immunity under the Convention Against Torture (CAT).“Waterboarding is torture, and Bush has admitted, without any sign of remorse, that he approved its use,” said Katherine Gallagher, Senior Staff Attorney at CCR and Vice President of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH). “The reach of the Convention Against Torture is wide – this case is prepared and will be waiting for him wherever he travels next. Torturers – even if they are former presidents of the United States – must be held to account and prosecuted. Impunity for Bush must end.” While the U.S. has thus far failed to comply with its obligations under the Convention Against Torture to prosecute and punish those who commit torture, all other signatories, too, are obligated to prosecute or extradite for prosecution anyone present in their territory they have a reasonable basis for believing has committed torture. If the evidence warrants, as the Bush Torture Indictment contends it does, and the U.S. fails to request the extradition of Bush and others to face charges of torture there, CAT signatories must, under law, prosecute them for torture. In a statement this weekend, the groups who organized the complaints said, “Whatever Bush or his hosts say, we have no doubt he cancelled his trip to avoid our case. The message from civil society is clear – If you’re a torturer, be careful in your travel plans.” The complaints that had been scheduled to be filed on Monday asked that the General Prosecutor of the Canton of Geneva investigate allegations that men were tortured as part of the Bush administration’s well-documented torture program. Bush proudly recounted in his recently published memoir that when asked in 2002 to if it was permissible to waterboard a detainee – a recognized act of torture – he replied “damn right.” Monday, 7 February, is the ninth anniversary of the day Bush decided the Geneva Conventions did not apply to ‘enemy combatants.’ According to the Bush Indictment, which was written on behalf of torture victims by CCR and ECCHR, former President Bush bears individual and command responsibility for the acts of his subordinates which he ordered, authorized, condoned or otherwise aided and abetted, as well as for the violations committed by his subordinates which he failed to prevent or punish. “Bush is a torturer and deserves to be remembered as such,” said Gavin Sullivan, Solicitor and Counterterrorism Program Manager, ECCHR. “He bears ultimate responsibility for authorizing the torture of thousands of individuals at places like Guantánamo and secret CIA ‘black sites’ around the world. As all states are obliged to prosecute such torturers, Bush has good reason to be very worried.” CCR, ECCHR and FIDH were joined by more than 60 human rights organizations and prominent individuals who signed on to support the call for George W. Bush’s prosecution, including former UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, Theo van Boven, former UN Special Rapporteur on Independence of Judges and Lawyers, Leandro Despouy, and Nobel Peace Prize recipients Shirin Ebadi and Pérez Esquivel. A number of the human rights organizations which signed on are facing the on-going harms of the “counterterrorism” policies advanced under the Bush administration and then adopted or employed in their own countries.. The complaint included 2500 pages of supporting materials. Manfred Nowak, former UN Special Rapporteur on Torture (2004-2010), was to submit an expert opinion on the complaints concluding that the conduct to which both plaintiffs were subjected constitutes torture, that Switzerland had an obligation to open a preliminary investigation, and that George W. Bush enjoys no immunity. The Bush Torture Indictment, the official “letter of denunciation” summarizing the case and other materials are available here: http://ccrjustice.org/ourcases/current-cases/bush-torture-indictment. The Center for Constitutional Rights, in addition to filing the first cases representing men detained at Guantánamo, has filed universal jurisdiction cases seeking accountability for torture by Bush administration officials in Germany, France and submitted expert opinions and other documentation to ongoing cases in Spain in collaboration with ECCHR. The Center for Constitutional Rights is dedicated to advancing and protecting the rights guaranteed by the United States Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Founded in 1966 by attorneys who represented civil rights movements in the South, CCR is a non-profit legal and educational organization committed to the creative use of law as a positive force for social change. Visit www.ccrjustice.org. Follow @theCCR. The European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR) is an independent, non-profit legal organization that enforces human rights by holding state and non-state actors to account for egregious abuses through innovative strategic litigation. For more information visit www.ecchr.eu The International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) is a non-governmental federation for 164 human rights organizations. FIDH’s core mandate is to promote respect for all the rights set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Its priority areas include protecting human rights defenders and fighting impunity. For more information on FIDH, see www.fidh.org. Diplomatic assurances & torture eventAn event at Columbia next week with leading experts on transfers to torture based on "diplomatic assurances," in Guantanamo cases, renditions and deportations. “Promises to Keep: Diplomatic Assurances Against Torture in US Terrorism Transfers” Columbia Law School | Thursday February 10 | 4:20 - 6:20 pm Felice Gaer, member of the UN Committee Against Torture & director of Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights Ashley Deeks, Columbia Law School, former Assistant Legal Adviser for Political-Military Affairs at the Department of State, author of ASIL paper, Promises not to Torture: Diplomatic Assurances in US Courts Steven Watt, senior staff attorney, ACLU Naureen Shah, Human Rights Institute, Columbia Law School, report author Moderated by Professor Peter Rosenblum, faculty co-director, Human Rights Institute, Columbia Law School"Diplomatic assurances" are promises not to torture. Since 9/11, the U.S. and key allies have increasingly relied on them when transferring detainees, often terrorism suspects, to the custody of governments that torture. Assurances have been used for Guantanamo detainees, formal extraditions and extraordinary renditions. But the practice remains obscure. The United States has tried to keep them secret, while other countries are increasingly more forthcoming, subjecting assurances to political and judicial review. Are assurances a viable tool for reducing the risk of torture? Or are they a "fig-leaf" to avoid accountability for whatever happens next? Can the U.S. - or any other government - reduce the risks of abuse where torture is common? If so, how? What makes assurances better or worse?In late December, Columbia Law School’s Human Rights Institute published "Promises to Keep," a 174-page report surveying the known use of assurances, assessing arguments for their effectiveness and recommending systematic reform. This roundtable brings together those most informed about this evolving practice. Ashley Deeks has worked in the State Department legal office and written the leading articles on the subject. While at Human Rights Watch and later at Amnesty International, Julia Hall was instrumental in focusing the attention of the human rights community on the dangers of assurances. Felice Gaer played an early role in scrutinizing assurances at the UN Committee against Torture, and joined with Columbia in an effort to develop standards for their use. Steven Watt worked with the Center for Constitutional Rights and, later, the ACLU, on one of the most notorious mistakes in the war on terror – the rendition with assurances of Maher Arar. Food and refreshments will be served. Video of the event will be made available on Columbia's website, http://www.law.columbia.edu/human-rights-institute new article in the Nation on torturelocal activists taking it directly to the courtsJay Bybee and Me: Our Secret Relationship
Our most intimate time together was when the Court held a demonstration session at the University of Nevada Law School in Las Vegas. Bybee, a Mormon, lives outside Las Vegas, and several people in the line going through security claimed to know -- and admire -- him. When the testimony was over, the court opened itself up to questions from the law students in the very large audience. I asked, “Mr. Bybee, given the new information that's come out in the Office of Professional Responsibility Report, and the information in the missing emails, which we will surely find, what will your defense be to prosecution for conspiracy to commit the felonies of aggressive war and torture?” He replied, “I'm not answering that.” A year ago we held a big protest in Seattle, including Bill Moyer and the Backbone Campaign’s Miss Liberty, who is about ten feet tall. There was a man in a black suit taking pictures of us and I asked him who he worked for. He refused to acknowledge me, much less answer my question. This is a picture of us, just before he had me arrested for assault.We’ve usually been treated quite civilly by the marshals, but occasionally they’ve removed us from court quite roughly. To my surprise, they manhandled us last week in Pasadena, and I wrote to the Chief Justice, Alex Kozinski, to complain.
He replied:
We’ve sent two letters to every judge on the 9th Circuit. Here’s our November 2009 letter: In June 2010 we sent them this letter:
When we speak out in court, we’ve said Bybee justified torture, which is always and everywhere illegal, and that he should be impeached and imprisoned. We’ve said he disgraces the Court. When the story broke about human experimentation at Guantanamo, I called out that he was channeling Josef Mengele, the Nazi who experimented on human beings. While Omar Khadr was on trial, we accused him of torturing children. Most recently, I said, “In his new book, George Bush confesses to authorizing torture, and says his lawyers told him he could do it. Jay Bybee was chief among those lawyers. He is a war criminal and you need to refer him to Congress for impeachment. Now!” We cannot let these people carry on as if they have done nothing immoral or illegal. If our government won’t enforce the law, we must. I promise you’ll enjoy your special relationship! http://warisacrime.org/content/jay-bybee-and-me-our-secret-relationshipUC Rejects Students' Complaint about YooJohn Yoo remains enshrined it one of the nation's premier legal schools, Boalt Hall at U.C. Berkeley. Over a year ago, the Boalt Alliance to Abolish Torture sent a letter to the University expressing its concerns about allowing torture-enabler Yoo to remain as faculty at Boalt. The University finally responded, finding that Yoo's behavior does not violate the "ethical principals" of the University. (Letter attached.) I guess we live in a world where torture to protect a select group of U.S. citizens is acceptable. Looking forward to brighter and longer days...Sharon |
|||||||||||||||||