Gitmo Detainees: They Can't Go Home Again

From Jurist.org - http://jurist.org/forum/2011/02/they-cant-go-home-again.php

They Can't Go Home Again 

The men still at Guantanamo may never see home again. But there are nearly two dozen who, like Farhi Saeed bin Mohammed, are so afraid of being tortured that they would rather stay at Guantanamo than be returned home. 

It is difficult to fathom anyone preferring endless imprisonment to going home. But Farhi, who won a federal court order for his release after having spent more than eight years at Guantanamo, preferred just that. He worried that in Algeria, he would be tortured by the government or terrorist groups. But the U.S., having received "diplomatic assurances" from Algeria that he would be treated humanely, sent him to Algerian custody against his will. 

Farhi's case is not the first of its kind. The U.S. has repeatedly sent detainees to possible torture based on "diplomatic assurances," promises from foreign governments with records of condoning, encouraging, and sometimes covering up torture, that this time, they will not torture. 

Though the State Department checks up on returned Guantanamo detainees, torture is typically clandestine and hard to detect or deter. If an unreleased Wikileaks cable is any indication, the U.S. is not doing nearly enough to prevent delivery from the purgatory of interminable detention at Guantanamo to the hell of torture in the shadows. 

The cable describes a U.S. embassy visit to former Guantanamo detainee Rukhniddin Sharopov whom the U.S. sent along with detainee Mokit Vohidov to Tajikistan in 2007. The State Department has reported "harsh and life-threatening" conditions in Tajik prisons, where beatings are "common." Security officials use "systematic beatings, sexual abuse and electric shocks to extort confessions." Unsurprisingly, and whatever the assurances, within months of their return, Sharopov and Vohidov cried out in open court that Tajik interrogators had tortured them. 

Still, the cable shows the U.S. embassy behaving with baffling ignorance or indifference to the risk of further abuse. In late 2009, the Tajik authorities denied the U.S. embassy access to Sharopov for more than three months. During this time, they transferred him from general prison to pre-trial detention, allegedly for attempting to escape. That left Sharopov vulnerable to abusive interrogation again with no chance for U.S. officials to detect abuse or intervene. 

When U.S. embassy staff finally met with Sharopov in December 2009, they may have put him in further danger. Flouting the basic rules of torture monitoring, they interviewed Sharopov in the presence of his captors. If he even hinted at abuse, Sharopov risked retaliation. Yet, he might have made hints. The leaked cable says he "casually" referred to his time at Guantanamo as a "sanatorium" [sic]. Compared to torture at a Tajik prison, no doubt. 

U.S. staff asked Sharopov to confirm he was treated "the same" as all the other Tajik prisoners- a perverse cross-examination given U.S. knowledge of widespread mistreatment. Yet they did not conduct a medical or psychological exam to catch signs of torture that he may have feared revealing or that Tajik authorities might have purposefully concealed. 

We cannot know what became of Sharopov. Tajik authorities have blocked even the International Committee of the Red Cross from their prisons. But this kind of monitoring is bound to fail. In Bush-era rendition cases, there is proof it did. In December 2001, according to media and Council of Europe investigations, masked U.S. commandoes helped Sweden deliver asylum-seekers Ahmed Agiza and Muhammad Alzery to Egypt, based on diplomatic assurances. Five weeks later, the Swedes visited to check for abuse. They did not see bruises or bleeding. The men, also interviewed in the presence of their captors, evaded the Swedes' questions and simply pleaded with them to visit again. Both had been beaten and electrocuted. 

The U.S. has gotten duped before, too. Other Wikileaks cables reveal "credible reports" that a Guantanamo detainee sent to Tunisia in 2007 was abused, with the Tunisian government blocking the U.S. from checking on him later. That prompted the U.S., rightly, to refuse more transfers, provoking the now fallen Tunisian government's ire. 

But the Justice Department has not foreclosed the option of sending another detainee, Umar Abdulayev, into Tajik custody. Across the board, the U.S. is shirking judicial review of torture questions, wrapping itself in rhetoric of national security and executive prerogative, all too reminiscent of the Bush administration. The Justice Department even waited to tell the Supreme Court about Farhi, the latest forced returnee, until after he was put on a plane, even though he had a pending petition with the Court. 

With secrecy and obfuscation, the U.S. once again stands alone among its peers. The UK and other allies, dealing with terrorism suspects in deportation cases, give them a day in court by providing the terms of assurances and blueprints for better monitoring, including regular, private interviews of returnees, conducted by professionals trained to detect abuse.

The U.S. government should do the same: design smarter monitoring protocols, let courts and the public test claims that diplomatic assurances can prevent abuse, and resettle detainees who face too great a risk of torture. To truly end the legacy of Guantanamo, the U.S. should ensure the safety of the men too afraid to go home again. 

The author is Naureen Shah, a lawyer at the Human Rights Institute at Columbia University School of Law in New York

CIA promotions after "wrong guy" renditions

Incredibly disturbing.

AP IMPACT: At CIA, grave mistakes, then promotions
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/02/09/AR2011020902119.html

By ADAM GOLDMAN and MATT APUZZO
The Associated Press
Wednesday, February 9, 2011; 8:56 AM

WASHINGTON -- In December 2003, security forces boarded a bus in
Macedonia and snatched a German citizen named Khaled el-Masri. For the
next five months, el-Masri was a ghost. Only a select group of CIA
officers knew he had been taken to a secret prison for interrogation
in Afghanistan.

But he was the wrong guy.

A hard-charging CIA analyst had pushed the agency into one of the
biggest diplomatic embarrassments of the U.S. war on terrorism. Yet
despite recommendations, the analyst was never punished. In fact,
she's risen in the agency.

That botched case is but one example of a CIA accountability process
that even some within the agency say is unpredictable and
inconsistent. In the years after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist
attacks, officers who committed mistakes that left people wrongly
imprisoned or even dead received only minor admonishments or no
punishment at all, an Associated Press investigation has found.

And though President Barack Obama has sought to put the CIA's
interrogation program behind him, the result of a decade of haphazard
accountability is that many officers who made significant missteps are
now the senior managers fighting Obama's spy wars.

The analyst at the heart of the el-Masri mishap, for instance, has one
of the premier jobs in the CIA's Counterterrorism Center and helps
lead Obama's efforts to disrupt al-Qaida.

The AP investigation of the CIA's actions revealed a disciplinary
system that takes years to make decisions, hands down reprimands
inconsistently and is viewed inside the agency as prone to favoritism.
When people are disciplined, the punishment seems to roll downhill,
sparing senior managers involved in mishandled operations.

"Someone who made a huge error ought not to be working at the agency,"
former Sen. Kit Bond said in November as he completed his tenure as
the top Republican on the Senate Intelligence Committee. "We've seen
instance after instance where there hasn't been accountability."

For example, when a suspected terrorist froze to death in a CIA prison
in Afghanistan in 2002, the CIA inspector general faulted Matt, the
spy running the prison, and expressed concerns about Paul, the top
officer in the country, according to former officials. Like most of
the dozens of people interviewed by AP, the officials spoke only on
condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak
publicly.

In the end, however, the CIA decided not to discipline either Matt or Paul.

The AP is identifying Matt, Paul and other current and former
undercover CIA officers - though only by partial names - because they
are central to the question of who is being held accountable and
because it enhances the credibility of AP's reporting in this case.
AP's policy is to use names whenever possible. The AP determined that
even the most sophisticated commercial information services could not
be used to derive the officers' full names or, for example, find their
home addresses knowing only their first names and the fact of their
CIA employment. The AP has withheld further details that could help
identify them.

The CIA asked that they not be identified at all, saying doing so
would benefit terrorists and hostile nations. Spokesman George Little
called the AP's decision "nothing short of reckless" but did not
provide any specific information about threats. The CIA has previously
provided detailed arguments in efforts to persuade senior executives
at the AP and other U.S. news organizations to withhold or delay
publishing information it said would endanger lives or national
security, but that did not happen in this case.

The CIA regularly reviews books by retired officers and allows them to
identify their undercover colleagues by first name and last initial,
even when they're still on the job. The CIA said only the agency is
equipped to make those decisions through a formal review process.

Paul has risen to become chief of the Near East Division, overseeing
operations in the Middle East. Matt has completed assignments in
Bahrain, Afghanistan and Pakistan, where he was deputy chief of tribal
operations.

In another case involving detainee mistreatment, an interrogator named
Albert put an unloaded gun and a bitless drill to the head of a
suspected terrorist at a secret prison in Poland. The inspector
general labeled this a "mock execution" - something the U.S. is
forbidden to do. Albert was reprimanded. His boss, Mike, who ran the
prison, retired during the investigation.

Albert stayed on until retirement, then returned as a contractor. Ron,
the Poland station chief who witnessed the incident but didn't stop
it, now runs the Central European Division.

Little, the CIA spokesman, said the agency's accountability process is
vigorous and thorough. CIA Director Leon Panetta has fired employees
for misconduct in other cases, he said.

"Any suggestion that the agency does not take seriously its obligation
to review employee misconduct - including those of senior officers -
is flat wrong," he said.

The CIA wants officers to take chances. As former CIA Director Michael
Hayden told Congress, officers should operate so close to the
boundaries that they get "chalk on their cleats."

When officers cross those lines, discipline is usually carried out
secretly. In complicated cases, the director can convene a panel of
senior officers to review the matter. But the director has the final
word on discipline.

These reviews, along with Justice Department and congressional
investigations, can keep careers in limbo for years and leave veteran
officers wondering why some were disciplined and others weren't.

"It's unpredictable and scattershot," said John Maguire, a former
senior operations officer who spent 23 years at the CIA.

After the 9/11 Commission faulted the CIA for being "averse to risk,"
managers have been reluctant to do anything that might discourage
risk-taking, officials said.

The el-Masri case reveals how that plays into disciplinary decisions.

Some at the Counterterrorism Center doubted el-Masri was a terrorist,
current and former officials said. But Frances, a counterterrorism
analyst with no field experience, pushed ahead. She supported
el-Masri's rendition - in which the CIA snatches someone and takes him
to another country. The AP agreed to the CIA's request to refer to
Frances by her middle name because her first is unusual.

Senior managers were briefed, and a lawyer in the Counterterrorism
Center, Elizabeth, signed off, former officials said.

The CIA's inspector general determined there had been no legal
justification for el-Masri's rendition. Though the inspector general
does not make legal conclusions, the CIA's watchdog had essentially
said the agency acted illegally.

The report came down hard on Frances and faulted Elizabeth's legal
analysis. Nobody in management was singled out.

Hayden decided that Elizabeth should be reprimanded, current and
former officials said. Frances would be spared, he told colleagues,
because he didn't want to deter initiative within the ranks.

Hayden wouldn't discuss the case but said fairness was only one factor.

"Beyond the requirements of fairness and justice, you always made
these decisions with an eye toward the future health and operational
success of the institution," Hayden said in an AP interview.

Frances now runs the CIA's Global Jihad unit dedicated to hunting down
al-Qaida. Elizabeth is now legal adviser to the Near East division.

In his book "Beyond Repair," longtime CIA officer Charles Faddis
contrasted the CIA with the military, where he said officers are held
responsible for their mistakes and the mistakes of their subordinates.

"There is no such system in place within the CIA, and the long-term
effect is catastrophically corrosive," Faddis wrote.

After a prisoner died at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, one CIA officer,
Steve, was reprimanded for not seeking medical attention when the
prisoner arrived. But nobody was explicitly punished for the death.
Steve retired and is now back at CIA as a contractor.

CIA Director Leon Panetta may be getting tougher on discipline. On his
watch, about 100 employees have been subjected to disciplinary review,
a U.S. intelligence official said. Of those, more than a dozen were
senior officers. Many were fired or resigned.

Last year, Panetta punished 16 current and former officers involved in
a mishap in Peru nearly a decade ago. A civilian airplane that was
misidentified as a drug flight was shot down, killing an American
missionary and her young daughter.

In a more recent case, Panetta was less harsh after mistakes allowed
an al-Qaida double agent to blow himself up at a CIA base in Khost,
Afghanistan, killing five officers and two contractors.

A review determined that warnings had been ignored and security
protocols weren't followed. Panetta agreed but opted not to punish
anyone.

"The conclusion was that the blame just didn't rest with one
individual or group of individuals," Panetta said.

It was a collective failure, Panetta said. So nobody was held accountable.

---

AP's Washington investigative team can be reached at DCinvestigations(at)ap.org

Event: Gitmo Without End?

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Register Now:  Guantanamo Without End? 

WHAT:   Two years after President Obama's Order to close the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba within one year, the facility remains open.  The military commissions system is resuming proceedings, while no detainee cases are pending in the traditional criminal justice system, and the administration is moving to establish a more formal system of indefinite detention.  Is there an end in sight?  Experts will discuss the implications of these Guantanamo policies and their effects on pending litigation.  Lunch will be provided.  This event is being offered at no-charge but RSVPs are required. 

WHO:  Panelists   

  • Jonathan Hafetz-Associate Professor of Law, Seton Hall University School of Law; author of the new book Habeas Corpus after 9/11 Confronting America'sNew Global Detention System; former attorney, ACLU National Security Project; former Litigation Director, Brennan Center Liberty and National Security Project 
  • Hon. James Robertson-U.S.District Judge for the District of Columbia (ret.); heard Guantanamo habeas petitions; member, The Constitution Project- Liberty and Security Committee
  • Nancy Soderberg-President,Connect US Fund; former alternate representative to the United Nations with the rank of Ambassador; former Deputy Assistant to thePresident for National Security Affairs; former Staff Director, National Security Council
  • Mason C. Clutter (moderator) -Counsel, The Constitution Project

WHEN:      Thursday, February 24, 2011
                      11:30-noon; check-in and lunch
                      Noon-2pm; panel discussion and audience Q&A

WHERE:    Cravath, Swaine & Moore LLP
                     825 Eighth Avenue
                     New York, NY 

RSVP:        The Constitution Project
                     rsvp@constitutionproject.org
                     202.580.6924

About the Constitution Project
Established in 1997, The Constitution Project (TCP) is known for its ability to bring together unlikely allies-experts and practitioners from across the political spectrum-in order to promote and safeguard America's founding charter.  TCP is working to reform the nation's broken criminal justice system and to strengthen the rule of law by undertaking scholarship, advocacy, policy reform, and public education initiatives.  TCP was born out of the belief that we must cast aside the labels that divide us, in order to keep our Constitution and our democracy strong. 

Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School Hosts Roundtable on Torture Assurances in US Terrorism Transfers

Description: Modified HRI Logo.tif

MEDIA ADVISORY – Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School Hosts Roundtable on Torture Assurances in US Terrorism Transfers

New York, February 10, 2011—The Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School today will host a roundtable on "diplomatic assurances," i.e., promises not to torture. Since 9/11, the U.S. and key allies have increasingly relied on assurances to ensure the safety of detainees—often terrorism suspects—delivered to the custody of governments that torture. Today’s discussion will be webcast live beginning at 4:20 p.m. EDT at the following link http://www.law.columbia.edu/human-rights-institute/events/assuranceswebcast.

This unique discussion among leading experts will address key issues affecting U.S. terrorism detainees:

·       The risks of transferring current and former terrorism suspects, including Guantanamo detainees and renditions victims, to countries with records of abuse, on the basis of assurances.

·       The U.S. government’s obscuring of the details of transfer arrangements, even while other countries are increasingly more forthcoming, subjecting assurances to political and judicial review.

·       The feasibility of reform, including systematic monitoring of the treatment of returned detainees.

Roundtable experts include:

Felice Gaer, member of the UN Committee Against Torture & director of the Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights

Julia Hall, Amnesty International, author of several AI and Human Rights Watch reports on diplomatic assurances

Ashley Deeks, Columbia Law School, former Assistant Legal Adviser for Political-Military Affairs at the

Department of State, author of ASIL paper, Promises not to Torture:  Diplomatic Assurances in US Courts

Steven Watt, senior staff attorney, ACLU

Professor Peter Rosenblum, moderator and faculty co-director, Human Rights Institute, Columbia Law School

Naureen Shah, Human Rights Institute, Columbia Law School, report author

In late December, Columbia Law School’s Human Rights Institute published "Promises to Keep," a 174-page report surveying the known use of assurances, assessing arguments for their effectiveness and recommending key reforms.

WHERE: Columbia Law School, Room 103 | 435 W 116th St | New York, NY 10027 ;

LIVE WEBCAST: Visit http://www.law.columbia.edu/human-rights-institute/events/assuranceswebcast

WHEN: Thursday, Feb. 10, 2011 from 4:20 – 6:20 pm

Media wishing to cover this event must contact the Law School’s Public Affairs Office at 212-854-2650 or email publicaffairs@law.columbia.edu


The Human Rights Institute serves as the focal point of international human rights education, scholarship and practice at Columbia Law School. The Institute fosters the development of a rich and comprehensive human rights curriculum and builds bridges between theory and practice, between law and other disciplines, between constitutional rights and international human rights, and between Columbia Law School and the world wide human rights movement.

Human Rights Groups Announce Bush Indictment for Convention Against Torture Signatory States

Human Rights Groups Announce Bush Indictment for Convention Against Torture Signatory States
No Immunity for Former Presidents Under Law

Geneva, 7 February  2011 – Today, two torture victims were to have filed  criminal complaints, with more than 2,500-pages of supporting material, in Geneva against former U.S. President George W. Bush, who was due to speak at an event there on  12 February. Swiss law requires the presence of the torturer on Swiss soil before a preliminary investigation can be opened.  When Bush cancelled his trip to avoid prosecution, the human rights groups who prepared the complaints made it public and announced that the Bush Torture Indictment would be waiting wherever he travels next.  The Indictment serves as the basis on which to prepare country-specific, plaintiff-specific indictments, with additional evidence and updated information.  According to international law experts at the New York-based Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) and the Berlin-basedEuropean 
Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR), former presidents do not enjoy special immunity under the Convention Against Torture (CAT).

“Waterboarding is torture, and Bush has admitted, without any sign of remorse, that he approved its use,” said Katherine Gallagher, Senior Staff Attorney at CCR and Vice President of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH).  “The reach of the Convention Against Torture is wide – this case is prepared and will be waiting for him wherever he travels next.  Torturers – even if they are former presidents of the United States – must be held to account and prosecuted. Impunity for Bush must end.”

While the U.S. has thus far failed to comply with its obligations under the Convention Against Torture to prosecute and punish those who commit torture, all other signatories, too, are obligated to prosecute or extradite for prosecution anyone present in their territory they have a reasonable basis for believing has committed torture.  If the evidence warrants, as the Bush Torture Indictment contends it does, and the U.S. fails to request the extradition of Bush and others to face charges of torture there, CAT signatories must, under law, prosecute them for torture.

In a statement this weekend, the groups who organized the complaints said, “Whatever Bush or his hosts say, we have no doubt he cancelled his trip to avoid our case. The message from civil society is clear – If you’re a torturer, be careful in your travel plans.”

The complaints that had been scheduled to be filed on Monday asked that the General Prosecutor of the Canton of Geneva investigate allegations that men were tortured as part of the Bush administration’s well-documented torture program. Bush proudly recounted in his recently published memoir that when asked in 2002 to if it was permissible to waterboard a detainee – a recognized act of torture – he replied “damn right.”

Monday, 7 February, is the ninth anniversary of the day Bush decided the Geneva Conventions did not apply to ‘enemy combatants.’

According to the Bush Indictment, which was written on behalf of torture victims by CCR and ECCHR, former President Bush bears individual and command responsibility for the acts of his subordinates which he ordered, authorized, condoned or otherwise aided and abetted, as well as for the violations committed by his subordinates which he failed to prevent or punish.

“Bush is a torturer and deserves to be remembered as such,” said Gavin Sullivan, Solicitor and Counterterrorism Program Manager, ECCHR.   “He bears ultimate responsibility for authorizing the torture of thousands of individuals at places like Guantánamo and secret CIA ‘black sites’ around the world.  As all states are obliged to prosecute such torturers, Bush has good reason to be very worried.”

CCR, ECCHR and FIDH were joined by more than 60 human rights organizations and prominent individuals who signed on to support the call for George W. Bush’s prosecution, including former UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, Theo van Boven, former UN Special Rapporteur on Independence of Judges and Lawyers, Leandro Despouy, and Nobel Peace Prize recipients Shirin Ebadi and Pérez Esquivel.  A number of the human rights organizations which signed on are facing the on-going harms of the “counterterrorism” policies advanced under the Bush administration and then adopted or employed in their own countries.. The complaint included 2500 pages of supporting materials.

Manfred Nowak, former UN Special Rapporteur on Torture (2004-2010), was to submit an expert opinion on the complaints concluding that the conduct to which both plaintiffs were subjected constitutes torture, that Switzerland had an obligation to open a preliminary investigation, and that George W. Bush enjoys no immunity.

The Bush Torture Indictment, the official “letter of denunciation” summarizing the case and other materials are available here: http://ccrjustice.org/ourcases/current-cases/bush-torture-indictment. 

The Center for Constitutional Rights, in addition to filing the first cases representing men detained at Guantánamo, has filed universal jurisdiction cases seeking accountability for torture by Bush administration officials in Germany, France and submitted expert opinions and other documentation to ongoing cases in Spain in collaboration with ECCHR. The Center for Constitutional Rights is dedicated to advancing and protecting the rights guaranteed by the United States Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Founded in 1966 by attorneys who represented civil rights movements in the South, CCR is a non-profit legal and educational organization committed to the creative use of law as a positive force for social change. Visit www.ccrjustice.org. Follow @theCCR. 

The European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR) is an independent, non-profit legal organization that enforces human rights by holding state and non-state actors to account for egregious abuses through innovative strategic litigation.  For more information visit www.ecchr.eu  

The International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) is a non-governmental federation for 164 human rights organizations. FIDH’s core mandate is to promote respect for all the rights set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Its priority areas include protecting human rights defenders and fighting impunity. For more information on FIDH, see www.fidh.org.

Diplomatic assurances & torture event

An event at Columbia next week with leading experts on transfers to torture based on "diplomatic assurances," in Guantanamo cases, renditions and deportations.

“Promises to Keep: Diplomatic Assurances Against Torture in US Terrorism Transfers”

Columbia Law School | Thursday February 10 |  4:20 - 6:20 pm
Jerome Greene Hall Room 103 | 435 W 116th Street | New York, NY 10027

Please join us for a roundtable discussion on the use of diplomatic assurances and Columbia's new report "

Promises to Keep," featuring leading experts and practitioners:

Julia Hall, Amnesty International, author of several AI and Human Rights Watch reports on diplomatic assurances 
Felice Gaer, member of the UN Committee Against Torture & director of  Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights
Ashley  Deeks, Columbia Law School, former Assistant Legal Adviser for Political-Military Affairs at the Department of State, author of ASIL paper, Promises not to  Torture:  Diplomatic Assurances in US Courts
Steven  Watt, senior staff  attorney, ACLU
Naureen Shah, Human Rights Institute, Columbia Law School, report author
Moderated by 
Professor Peter Rosenblum, faculty co-director, Human Rights Institute, Columbia Law School

"Diplomatic  assurances" are promises not to torture. Since 9/11, the U.S. and key allies have increasingly relied on them when transferring detainees, often terrorism suspects, to the custody of governments that torture.   Assurances have been used for Guantanamo detainees, formal extraditions and extraordinary renditions.  But the practice remains obscure. The United States has tried to keep them secret, while other countries are increasingly more forthcoming, subjecting assurances to political and judicial review.  

Are assurances a viable tool for reducing the risk of torture? Or are they a "fig-leaf" to avoid accountability for whatever happens next?  Can the U.S. - or any other government - reduce the risks of abuse where torture is common? If so, how? What makes assurances better or worse?

In late December,  Columbia Law School’s Human Rights Institute published "Promises to Keep," a 174-page report surveying the known use of assurances, assessing arguments for their effectiveness and recommending systematic reform.  This roundtable brings together those most informed about this evolving practice.  Ashley Deeks has worked in the State Department legal office and written the leading articles on the subject.  While at Human Rights Watch and later at Amnesty International, Julia Hall was instrumental in focusing the attention of the human rights community on the dangers of assurances.  Felice Gaer played an early role in scrutinizing assurances at the UN Committee against Torture, and joined with Columbia in an effort to develop standards for their use. Steven Watt worked with the Center for Constitutional Rights and, later, the ACLU, on one of the most notorious mistakes in the war on terror – the rendition with assurances of Maher Arar.

Food and refreshments will be served.  Video of the event will be made available on Columbia's website, http://www.law.columbia.edu/human-rights-institute


local activists taking it directly to the courts

Jay Bybee and Me: Our Secret Relationship
By Susan Harman
http://warisacrime.org/node/56000


    It’s time the world knew of my secret relationship. It’s been going on discreetly now for a year and a half. Although it’s unrequited, I’m very loyal, and hold firmly to the belief that some day my fidelity will be rewarded. Who’s the recipient of my faithful attentions? None other than Jay Bybee, Judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, appointed by George W. Bush for life, after having done Bush’s bidding as Assistant Attorney General in the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Council.

Why is he the object of my attentions? It was Jay Bybee who signed off on the memos by the notorious John Yoo “justifying” torture, and Jay Bybee who “justified” aggressive war. Since we tortured -- not to get real information, but to get the lie that Iraq was involved in 9/11 -- I hold Bybee responsible for the deaths of the 5,000 American servicemen and women who’ve died there, as well as the million dead Iraqis.

    The 9th Circuit covers Washington, Montana, Oregon, Idaho, California, Nevada, Arizona, Alaska, and Hawaii, and is geographically the biggest of the eleven Circuit Courts. These Courts are the last step before a case goes up to the Supremes; that is, they are very important.

    The Court meets most often in Seattle, San Francisco, and Pasadena; it meets less often in Portland, Honolulu, and Anchorage. Occasionally it meets in some out-of-the-way place, like in Pocatello, Idaho last August, and we had a small group there because Bybee was sitting.

    Since June, 2009, when a group of us filed a Judicial Misconduct suit against Bybee, a coalition of groups, including CodePink, World Can’t Wait, Progressive Democrats of America, and veterans’ groups, have been protesting outside the court in large and small numbers. For almost that long, at least one or two of us have gone inside, sat quietly through the cases until the gavel comes down, and then, as the black-robed judges file out, stood up and loudly spoken our pieces. As best I can recall, I’ve sat in his courtroom 13 times so far. I try to stare unblinkingly at him the entire time, boring into his dark soul.

Watch this video.

Our most intimate time together was when the Court held a demonstration session at the University of Nevada Law School in Las Vegas. Bybee, a Mormon, lives outside Las Vegas, and several people in the line going through security claimed to know -- and admire -- him. When the testimony was over, the court opened itself up to questions from the law students in the very large audience. I asked,

“Mr. Bybee, given the new information that's come out in the Office of Professional Responsibility Report, and the information in the missing emails, which we will surely find, what will your defense be to prosecution for conspiracy to commit the felonies of aggressive war and torture?”

He replied, “I'm not answering that.”    

A year ago we held a big protest in Seattle, including Bill Moyer and the Backbone Campaign’s Miss Liberty, who is about ten feet tall. There was a man in a black suit taking pictures of us and I asked him who he worked for. He refused to acknowledge me, much less answer my question. This is a picture of us, just before he had me arrested for assault.
 Susan Harman
    We’ve usually been treated quite civilly by the marshals, but occasionally they’ve removed us from court quite roughly. To my surprise, they manhandled us last week in Pasadena, and I wrote to the Chief Justice, Alex Kozinski, to complain.

 

Dear Judge Kozinski:

I think you know all this already from Eve Fisher, but I need to put it in writing.

As soon as you concluded the en banc session last Wednesday, my friend and I stood up and spoke out about Jay Bybee, as usual. Two of the Court Security Officers, Mr. Moore and Mr. Ballantyne, grabbed me very tightly and roughly around both my upper arms, and pushed and shoved me out of the courtroom and into the hallway. They paid no attention to my demands that they not assault me, or that they let me get my coat and purse from the courtroom. I have bruises on both arms.

You and I had an agreement that, as long as we don't disrupt proceedings, we are free to speak out without being abused by the Security Officers and marshals. Athough we have scrupulously kept our side of the agreement (as I'm sure you know), your Security Officers violated both me and our agreement last Wednesday.

The groups that work with us are all very distressed about this unpleasant abrogation of our First Amendment rights. We need to re-establish a guarantee of our safety, since we will continue to protest Bybee's presence on the court until he is impeached and/or imprisoned, according to the law of this land.

Susan Harman


 

He replied:


Susan:  I was distressed to learn of the incident, which runs contrary to the instructions I have given that protesters be left alone, so long as they do not disrupt court proceedings.  All I can say is that communications are sometimes difficult in a large organization and apparently not everyone got the message.  I am making sure that there will be no further misunderstandings and can only apologize for this slip-up.  It will not happen again.

Wishing you and yours a happy and healthy new year.

Ciao.  AK

 

We’ve sent two letters to every judge on the 9th Circuit. Here’s our November 2009 letter:


    Dear Judge --------:

    We respectfully request that you urge your colleague, Torture Judge Jay Bybee, to resign from the Ninth Circuit immediately. Here are the reasons:

    1. He has “engaged in conduct prejudicial to the effective and expeditious administration of the business of the courts.” (Judicial Conduct and Disability Act, 28 U.S.C. §§ 351-364. ARTICLE I. GENERAL PROVISIONS, 1. Scope)

    2. He was confirmed by the Senate without their knowledge of his misconduct, which had it been revealed to the Senate Judiciary Committee would very likely have resulted in non-confirmation to the Ninth Circuit, and

    3. He engaged in misconduct by acting unethically, and his misconduct harms the Ninth Circuit as defined in Rule 3(h) (2) of the Rules for Judicial Conduct and Judicial Disability Proceedings: 

 Cognizable misconduct “is conduct occurring outside the performance of official duties if the conduct might have a prejudicial effect on the administration of the business of the courts, including a substantial and widespread lowering of public confidence in the courts among reasonable people.” 

There is widespread opposition to his position on the Court. Last May 140,000 people signed the MoveOn/People for the American Way petition to the House Judiciary Committee demanding his impeachment. The New York Times and several Congresspeople have called for his impeachment. He is being indicted in Spain. Velvet Revolution and Voters for Peace have filed a complaint with the District of Columbia Bar. His memos were so bad they were thrown out by the Bush administration.

He not only wrote and approved the torture memos; he also signed the “aggressive war” memo, unconstitutionally authorizing the president to launch wars.

Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vermont, chair of the Senate Judiciary committee, called for his resignation. "If the White House and Mr. Bybee told the truth at the time of his nomination, he never would have been confirmed," Leahy said. "So actually, the honorable and decent thing for him to do now would be to resign. If he's an honorable and decent man, he will." Please use your influence to make this happen.

For more information, please see our complaint #09-90138 filed against Judge Bybee, and this site: http://www.afterdowningstreet.org/bybee. Thank you.

Sincerely,

CodePink, National Accountability Action Network, Progressive Democrats of America

In June 2010 we sent them this letter:


 

Dear Judge --------:

We have written to you before, urging you to recommend to Congress that they impeach Jay Bybee. We are writing again because new evidence highlights the seriousness of the claims against him.  

Last week the Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) released a report accusing the Bush administration of conducting illegal and unethical human experimentation and research on prisoners in CIA custody at Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib, Bagram airbase, and elsewhere. The report charges that medical personnel turned detainees into research subjects and collected data in order to study and refine their torture techniques—under the guise of trying to protect the health of the detainees.  For example, they conducted waterboarding “experiments” to determine whether it is better to induce drowning through the use of plain water or salt water. 

The PHR Report states that one purpose for the human experimentation was to create a legal defense for individuals engaging in acts that arguably constituted torture, and Bybee and his subordinate, John Yoo, stated that efforts to refine waterboarding and other tortures would support a “good faith” defense for interrogators charged with torture. Bybee and Yoo put forth the novel argument that interrogators must specifically intend to cause harm to have violated the anti-torture statute, and that medical experimentation on human subjects could remove the element of intent to cause harm.  A memo written by John Yoo, while under Bybee’s supervision, states:

“A defendant could show that he acted in good faith by taking such steps as surveying professional literature, consulting with experts, or reviewing evidence gained from past experience… All of these steps would show that he has drawn on the relevant body of knowledge concerning the result proscribed by the statute, namely prolonged mental harm.” Memorandum from John C. Yoo, Deputy Assistant Attorney General for William J. Haynes II, General Counsel of the Dept. of Defense (14 Mar. 2003) (emphasis added).  

Based on the legal advice provided by Yoo and Bybee, medical professionals conducted experiments on humans. We enclose an article about the report, and the fact that Senator Feinstein intends to include its findings in her Intelligence Committee’s ongoing investigation.

As you probably also know, there are hundreds, if not thousands, of Freedom of Information Act requests filed with various government agencies, many of which will reveal even more scandalous evidence against Bybee. His presence on the Ninth Circuit continues to jeopardize the respectability of the Court.

Once again, we remind you that you have the power—and the legal and moral obligation—to refer Bybee to Congress for impeachment. The United States legal system has been held up around the world as a model of justice. It is time to stop turning a blind eye to government-sanctioned torture and denial of habeas corpus rights. As legal professionals, you understand the grave implications of violating the Geneva Conventions and U.S. domestic law. The people of the United States expect judges in its highest courts to understand and uphold our American principles. Your actions on this matter will show whether torture and human experimentation have become American principles.

Sincerely,

CodePink Golden Gate, National Accountability Action Network, Progressive Democrats of America, World Can’t Wait, National Lawyers Guild San Francisco Bay Area Chapter’s Committee Against Torture, Bill of Rights Defense Committee

When we speak out in court, we’ve said Bybee justified torture, which is always and everywhere illegal, and that he should be impeached and imprisoned.

We’ve said he disgraces the Court.

When the story broke about human experimentation at Guantanamo, I called out that he was channeling Josef Mengele, the Nazi who experimented on human beings.

While Omar Khadr was on trial, we accused him of torturing children.

Most recently, I said,

“In his new book, George Bush confesses to authorizing torture, and says his lawyers told him he could do it. Jay Bybee was chief among those lawyers. He is a war criminal and you need to refer him to Congress for impeachment. Now!”

bybee   Obviously, if you don’t live near the cities where the 9th Circuit meets, you can’t organize your own Bye-bye Bybee protests. But go to http://warisacrime.org/warcriminals and find a war criminal near you. If there isn’t one physically nearby, then pick one at random and start a long-distance letter-writing, phone-calling campaign to make his/her life miserable.

We cannot let these people carry on as if they have done nothing immoral or illegal.

If our government won’t enforce the law, we must.

I promise you’ll enjoy your special relationship!

http://warisacrime.org/content/jay-bybee-and-me-our-secret-relationship

UC Rejects Students' Complaint about Yoo

Click here to download:
PROVOST RESPONSE.pdf (1.14 MB)
(download)

John Yoo remains enshrined it one of the nation's premier legal schools, Boalt Hall at U.C. Berkeley.  Over a year ago, the Boalt Alliance to Abolish Torture sent a letter to the University expressing its concerns about allowing torture-enabler Yoo to remain as faculty at Boalt.  The University finally responded, finding that Yoo's behavior does not violate the "ethical principals" of the University.  (Letter attached.)

I guess we live in a world where torture to protect a select group of U.S. citizens is acceptable. 

Looking forward to brighter and longer days...
Sharon